In today’s world you would never guess that both Christian Democrats and Republicans are supposed to be praying to the same God. Even Christian immigrants, refugees, those of color and of the LGBT communities are supposed to be praying to the same God, reading the same bible and following the same rules. Yet why do some of these Christian brothers and sisters choose to demonized those who pray to the same God but who have different political worldviews? Do they believe that God doesn’t love all of his creation equally?
Here’s the rest of the story…
On March 31, 2018, Amy Sullivan of the New York Times penned the following report, “Democrats Are Christians, Too”
“Now that Stormy Daniels has confirmed on national television that Donald Trump initiated sex with her just months after his third wife gave birth to their child, at least half the country is asking: Surely this is a porn star too far for white evangelical Christians, right?”
“As we celebrate Easter Sunday, nearly 18 months after Mr. Trump won the presidency with about 80 percent of the white evangelical vote, surveys show him retaining nearly all of that support. In contrast, white evangelicals re-elected George W. Bush in 2004 with 78 percent of their votes, but by May 2006 their approval had slid to 55 percent. And that was after Mr. Bush had delivered, in late 2005 and early 2006, the Supreme Court appointments of both John Roberts and Samuel Alito.”
“The resilient support for Mr. Trump is hard to square with a constituency best known for trumpeting “family values” and proclaiming the nation’s moral decline. It also belies the idea that a record-high percentage of white evangelicals voted for Mr. Trump in 2016 simply because they could not bring themselves to cast ballots for Hillary Clinton.”
“You could open a publishing press devoted to the theological and sociological explanations for this phenomenon — from the unlikely belief that Mr. Trump found Jesus on the campaign trail to the idea that his presidency is all part of God’s plan to the role persecution narratives and Christian nationalism play in the evangelical worldview.”
“But the ultimate answer may be the simplest. Mr. Trump owes his continued high standing among white evangelicals to the fact that nearly 40 years after the Moral Majority’s founding, the partisan meld is complete. Decades of fear-mongering about Democrats and religious liberals have worked. Eighty percent of white evangelicals would vote against Jesus Christ himself if he ran as a Democrat.”
“The messages that have steadily cemented white evangelicals within both the Republican Party and the churches that marry traditionalist theology with Republican politics are so ingrained that even those conservatives who lament the current state of American evangelicalism can’t help reinforcing them.”
“Take the conservative columnist Michael Gerson: In a recent story for The Atlantic, he wrote a heartfelt lament for the evangelicalism of his youth. He damned the evangelical leaders surrounding Mr. Trump as “blinded by political tribalism and hatred for their political opponents” and bemoaned that “little remains of a distinctly Christian public witness.”
Mr. Gerson opposed Mr. Trump during the 2016 campaign, calling him a “deeply and defiantly ignorant” man who suffers from “serious moral impairment.” Yet while Mr. Gerson and many of his fellow Never Trumpers — like the Southern Baptist Russell Moore — believed Mr. Trump to be dangerously unqualified, they could not bring themselves to the obvious conclusion to vote for Mrs. Clinton.
“Mr. Gerson and other conservative evangelicals — Erick Erickson, Jerry Falwell Jr. — continue to malign Christian progressives as no-good-Social-Gospel-loving-but-otherwise-unbelieving secularists among whom no real Christians could safeguard their soul.”
“These critiques have grown more frequent over the past few years as the religious left became savvier and figures like the Rev. William Barber attracted national attention for his Moral Mondays campaign in NC (a weekly social justice protest in Raleigh).”
“Generations of white evangelicals have been conditioned to see evangelicalism as so synonymous with Republican politics that the idea of a non-Republican political option for religious voters simply does not exist. Rather than contemplate this possibility and grapple with it, Mr. Erickson, Mr. Gerson and others simply disparage and deny it — while also condemning political tribalism.”
“Many conservative evangelicals would say the problem with progressives isn’t just a matter of doubting their religiosity — it’s that Democrats are wrong on policy, and those progressives who claim to be religious are blinkered if they support Democrats. Mr. Falwell, a Trump supporter, took to Twitter last fall to counter the idea that Christians should factor concern for the poor into their political decisions.”
“It never ceases to amaze me how leftist Christians twist the words of Jesus,” Mr. Falwell wrote. Jesus never told “Caesar how to run Rome and never said to care for the least of these by voting to tax your neighbor to help the poor.”
Even widely respected evangelical leaders have spent the past few decades insisting that a correct reading of the Bible requires Christians to reject homosexuality, and especially gay marriage. In August 2017, a group of 150 prominent evangelicals released the “Nashville Statement,” a document that condemned (among other things) Christians who support L.B.G.T.Q. issues. “Such approval,” they asserted, “constitutes an essential departure from Christian faithfulness and witness.” Their calculation is very simple: If you support gay rights and affirm the idea of gay Christians, then you aren’t really Christian.
The biggest stumbling block for conservative evangelicals is the scarlet abortion “A” that Democrats wear for their support of abortion rights. Conservative evangelical preachers inveigh against “pro-abortion” forces throughout the country, and the columns of Mr. Gerson and his conservative peers are littered with the rhetorical labeling of Democrats and progressives as “pro-abortion.”
“But no one is pro-abortion. The crucial difference is not between those who view abortion as good and those who don’t, but between vastly different approaches to reducing abortion rates. One party maintains the fiction that overturning Roe v. Wade will end abortion; the other promotes policies that have actually reduced the abortion rate to its lowest level since 1972. (That more Americans don’t know about this accomplishment has much to do with the fact that national Democrats don’t recognize “pro-abortion” as a slur and have steadfastly refused to take credit for this.)”
“Back in the real world, President Barack Obama and his aide Joshua DuBois created a tradition of hosting Christian leaders from across the ideological spectrum for Easter breakfast. At these gatherings, which took place during seven of the eight years of his presidency, Mr. Obama spoke about the nature of his faith in the most explicitly Christian terms publicly used by any president.”
“At the 2015 breakfast in the East Room, which featured music by Amy Grant, as close as evangelicals come to royalty, Mr. Obama spoke aboutthe daily challenges of faith. “Today we celebrate the magnificent glory of our risen Savior,” he said. “I pray that I will live up to his example. I fall short. Every day I try to do better.”
“Conservative evangelicals were unmoved. One year later, a Public Policy Polling survey found that only 13 percent of Trump supporters believed Mr. Obama was a Christian. They won’t have a chance to hear Mr. Trump himself speak about faith and the resurrection this Easter season.”